Among
those who signed the Declaration of
Independence, and were conspicuous in the
revolution, there existed, of course, a great
diversity of intellectual endowments; nor did
all render to their country, in those perilous
days, the same important services. Like the
luminaries of heavens each contributed his
portion of influence; but, like them, they
differed, as star different from star in glory.
But in the constellation of great men, which
adorned that era, few shone with more
brilliancy, or exercised a more powerful
influence than Samuel Adams. This gentleman was
born at Quincy, in Massachusetts, September 22d,
1722, in the neighborhood afterwards rendered
memorable as the birth place of Hancock, and as
the residence of the distinguished family which
has given two presidents to the United States.
His descent was from a respectable family, which
emigrated to America with the first settlers of
the land. In the year 1736, he became a member
of Harvard University, where he was
distinguished for an uncommon attention to all
his collegiate exercises, and for his classical
and scientific attainments. On taking the degree
of master, in 1743, he proposed the following
question, "Whether it be lawful to resist the
supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot
be otherwise preserved?" He maintained the
affirmative; and in this collegiate exercise
furnished no dubious evidence of his attachment
to the liberties of the people. On leaving the
university, he began the study of law, for which
profession his father designed him; but at the
solicitation of his mother, this pursuit was
relinquished, and he became a clerk in the
counting house of Thomas Cushing, at that time a
distinguished merchant. But his genius was not
adapted to mercantile pursuits; and in a short
time after commencing business for himself,
partly owing to the failure in business of a
friend, and partly to injudicious management, he
lost the entire capital which had been given him
by his father. The genius of Adams was naturally
bent on politics. It was with him an all
engrossing subject. From his earliest youth, he
had felt its inspiration. It occupied his
thoughts, enlivened his conversation, and
employed his pen. In respect to his private
business, this was an unfortunate trait of
character; but most fortunate for his country,
since he thus acquired an extensive knowledge of
those principles of national liberty, which he
afterwards asserted with so much energy, in
opposition to the arbitrary conduct of the
British government. In 1763 it was announced,
that the British ministry had it in view to "
tax the colonies, for the purpose of raising a
revenue, which was to be placed at the disposal
of the crown.' This news filled the colonies
with alarm. In Massachusetts, a committee was
appointed by the people of Boston to express the
public sentiment in relation to this
contemplated measure, for the guidance of the
representatives to the general court. The
instructions of this committee were drawn by Mr.
Adams. They formed, in truth, a powerful
remonstrance against the injustice of the
contemplated system of taxation; and they merit
the more particular notice, as they were the
first recorded public document, which denied the
right of taxation to the British parliament.
They also contained the first suggestion of the
propriety of that mutual understanding and
correspondence among the colonies, which laid
the foundation of their future confederacy. Ill
these instructions, after alluding to the evils
which had resulted from the acts of the British
parliament, relating to trade, Mr. Adams
observes: -- "If our trade may be taxed, why not
our lands? Why not the produce of our lands, and
every thing we possess, or use? This we conceive
annihilates our charter rights to govern and tax
ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges,
which, as we have never forfeited, we hold in
common with our fellow subjects, who are natives
of Britain. If tastes are laid upon us in any
shape, without our having a legal
representation, where they are laid, we are
reduced from the character of free subjects, to
the state of tributary slaves. We, therefore,
earnestly recommend it to you, to use your
utmost endeavors to obtain from the general
court, all necessary advice and instruction to
our agent, at this most critical Juncture." "We
also desire you to use your endeavors, that the
other colonies, having the same interests and
rights with us, may add their weight to that of
this province; that by united application of all
who are agreed, all may obtain redress !" The
deep interest which Mr. Adams felt and
manifested for the rights of the colonies, soon
brought him into favor with the patriotic party.
He became a leader in their popular assemblies,
and was bold in denouncing the unjust acts of
the British ministry. In 1765 he was elected a
representative to the general court of
Massachusetts, from the town of Boston. From
this period, during the whole revolutionary
struggle, he was the bold, persevering, and
efficient supporter of the rights of his
oppressed country. As a member of the court, he
soon became conspicuous, and was honored with
the office of clerk to that body. In the
legislature, he was characterized for the same
activity and boldness which he had manifested in
the town. He was appointed upon almost every
committee, assisted in drawing nearly every
report, and exercised a large share of
influence, in almost every meeting, which had
for its object the counteraction of the unjust
plans of the administration. But it was not in
his legislative capacity alone, that Mr. Adams
exhibited his hostility to the British
government, and his regard for rational freedom.
Several able essays on these subjects were
published by him; and he was the author of
several plans for opposing, more successfully,
the unjust de-signs of the mother country. He
has the honor of having suggested the first
congress at New-York, which prepared the way for
a Continental Congress, ten years after; and at
length for the union and confederacy of the
colonies. The injudicious management of his
private affairs, already alluded to, rendered
Mr. Adams poor. When this was known in England,
the partisans of the ministry proposed to bribe
him, by the gift of some lucrative office. A
suggestion of this kind was accordingly made to
Governor Hutchinson, to which he replied in a
manner highly complimentary to the integrity of
Mr. Adams." Such is the obstinacy and inflexible
disposition of the man, that he never can be
conciliated by any office or gift whatever." The
offer, however, it is reported, was actually
made to Mr. Adams, but neither the allurements
of fortune or power could for a moment tempt Him
to abandon the cause of truth, or to hazard the
liberties of the people. He was indeed poor; but
he could be tempted neither by British gold, nor
by the honors or profits of any office within
the gift of the royal governor. Such patriotism
has not been common in the world; but in America
it was to be found in many a bosom, during the
revolutionary struggle. The knowledge of facts
like this, greatly diminishes the wonder, which
has sometimes been expressed, that America
should have successfully contended with Great
Britain. Her physical strength was comparatively
weak; but the moral courage of her statesmen,
and her soldiers, was to her instead of numbers,
of wealth, and fortifications. Allusion has been
made, both in our introduction, and in our
notice of
Hancock, to the Boston massacre, in 1770, an
event which will long remain memorable in the
annals of the revolution, not only as it was the
first instance of bloodshed between the British
and the Americans, but as it conduced to
increase the irritation, and to widen the breach
between the two countries. Our limits forbid a
more particular account of this tragical affair;
and it is again alluded to only for the purpose
of bringing more distinctly into view, the
intrepid and decisive conduct of Samuel Adams on
that occasion. On the morning following this
night of bloodshed, a meeting of the citizens of
Boston was called. Mingled emotions of horror
and indignation pervaded the assembly. Samuel
Adams first arose to address the listening
multitude. Few men could harangue a popular
assembly with greater energy or exercise a more
absolute control over their passions and
affections. On that occasion, a Demosthenes, or
a Chatham, could scarcely have addressed the
assembled multitude with a more impressive
eloquence, or have represented in a more just
and emphatic manner, the fearful crisis to which
the affairs of the colonies were fast tending. A
committee was unanimously chosen to wait upon
Governor Hutchinson, with a request that the
troops might be immediately removed from the
town. To the request of this committees the
governor, with his usual prevarication, replied,
that the troops were not subject to his order.
Mr. Adams, who was one of this committee,
strongly represented to the governor the danger
of retaining the troops longer in the capital.
His indignation was aroused, and in a tone of
lofty independence, he declared, that the
removal of the troops would alone satisfy his
insulted and indignant townsmen; it was,
therefore, at the governor's peril, that they
were continued in the town, and that he alone
must be answerable for the fatal consequences,
which it required no gift of prophecy to predict
must ensue. It was now dark. The meeting of the
citizens was still undissolved. The greatest
anxiety pervaded the assembly find scarcely were
they restrained from going in a body to the
governor, to learn his determination. Aware of
the critical posture of affairs, aware of the
personal hazard which he encountered by refusing
a compliance, the governor at length gave his
consent to the removal of the troops, and
stipulated that the necessary preparations
should commence on the following morning. Thus,
through the decisive and spirited conduct of
Samuel Adams, and a few other kindred spirits,
the obstinacy of a royal governor was subdued,
and further hostilities were for a still longer
time suspended. The popularity and influence of
Mr. Adams were rapidly increasing, and the
importance of his being detached from the
popular party became every day more manifest. We
have already noticed the suggestion to Governor
Hutchinson to effect this, by the gift of some
lucrative office. Other offers of a similar
kind, it is reported, were made to him, at
different times, by the royal authorities, but
with the same ill success. About the year 1773,
Governor Gage renewed the experiment. At that
time Colonel Fenton was requested to wait upon
Mr. Adams, with the assurance of Governor Gage,
that any benefits would be conferred upon him
which he should demand, on the condition of his
ceasing to oppose the measures of the royal
government. At the same time, it was not
obscurely hinted, that such a measure was
necessary, on personal considerations. He had
incurred the royal displeasure, and already,
such had been his conduct, that it was in the
power of the governor to send him to England for
trial, on a charge of treason. It was suggested
that a change in his political conduct, might
save him from this disgrace, and even from a
severer fate; and might elevate him, moreover,
from his circumstances of indigence, to the
enjoyment of affluence. To this proposal, Mr.
Adams listened with attention; but as Col.
Fenton concluded his communication, with all the
spirit of a man of honor, with all the integrity
of the most incorrupted and incorruptible
patriotism, he replied; "Go tell Governor Gage,
that my peace has long since been made with the
King of kings, and that it is the advice of
Samuel Adams to him, no longer to insult the
feelings of an already exasperated people." The
independence and sterling integrity of Mr. Adams
might well have secured to him the respect, and
even confidence of Governor Gage; but with far
different feelings did he regard the noble
conduct of this high minded patriot. Under the
irritation excited by the failure of a favorite
plan, Governor Gage issued a proclamation, which
comprehended the following language: "I do
hereby," he said, " in his majesty's name, offer
and promise his most gracious pardon to all
persons, who shall forthwith lay down their
arms, and return to the duties of peaceable
subjects: excepting only from the benefits of
such pardon, Samuel Adams, and
John Hancock, whose offenses are of too
flagitious a nature to admit of any other
consideration but that of condign punishment."
Thus these independent men were singled out as
the objects of peculiar vengeance, and even
their lives endangered, for honorably resisting
a temptation, to which, had they yielded, they
would have merited the reproach of their
countrymen, and the scorn of the world. Mr.
Adams was a member of the first Continental
Congress which assembled in Philadelphia on the
5th of September, 1774; and continued a member
of that body until the year 1781. During this
period, no delegate acted a more conspicuous or
manly part. No one exhibited a more
indefatigable zeal, or a firmer tone of
character. He early saw that the contest would
probably not be decided without bloodshed. He
was himself prepared for every extremity, and
was willing that such measures should be
adopted, as should lead to an early issue of the
controversy. He was accordingly among the
warmest advocates for the declaration of
American independence. In his view, the die was
cast, and a further friendly connection with the
parent country was impossible. "I am perfectly
satisfied," said he, in a letter written from
Philadelphia, to a friend in Massachusetts, in
April, 1776, "of the necessity of a public and
explicit declaration of independence. I cannot
conceive what good reason can be assigned
against it. Will it widen the breach? This would
be a strange question, after we have raised
armies, and fought battles with the British
troops; set up an American navy; permitted the
inhabitants of these colonies to fit out armed
vessels, to capture the ships, &c. belonging to
any of the inhabitants of Great Britain;
declaring them the enemies of the United
Colonies; and torn into shivers their acts of
trade, by allowing commerce, subject to
regulations to be made by ourselves, with the
people of all countries, except such as are
subject to the British king. It cannot surely,
after all this, be imagined that we consider
ourselves, or mean to be considered by others,
in any other state, than that of independence."
The independence of America was at length
declared, and gave a new political character,
and an immediate dignity to the cause of the
colonies. But notwithstanding this measure might
itself bear the aspect of victory, a formidable
contest yet awaited the Americans. The year
following the declaration of independence, the
situation of the colonies was extremely gloomy.
The stoutest hearts trembled within them, and
even doubts were expressed, whether the measures
which had been adopted, particularly the
declaration of independence, were not
precipitate. The neighborhood of Philadelphia
became the seat of war; congress, now reduced to
only twenty-eight members, had resolved to
remove their session to Lancaster. At this
critical period, Mr. Adams accidentally fell in
company with several other members, by whom the
subject of the state of the country was freely
and confidentially discussed. Gloomy forebodings
seemed to pervade their millds, and the greatest
anxiety was expressed as to the issue of the
contest. To this conversation, Mr. Adams
listened with silent attention. At length he
expressed his surprise, that such desponding
feelings should have settled upon their hearts,
and such desponding language should be even
confidentially uttered by their lips. To this it
was answered, "The chance is desperate."
"Indeed, indeed, it is desperate," said Mr.
Adams, "if this be our language. If we wear long
faces, others will do so too; if we despair, let
us not expect that others will hope; or that
they will persevere in a contest, from which
their leaders shrink. But let not such feelings,
let not such language, be ours." Thus, while the
hearts of others were ready to faint, Samuel
Adams maintained his usual firmness. His
unshaken courage, and his calm reliance upon the
aid and protection of heaven, contributed in an
eminent degree to inspire his countrymen with a
confidence of their final success. A higher
encomium could not have been bestowed on any
member of the Continental Congress, than is
expressed in relation to Mr. Adams by Mr.
Galloway, in his historical and political
reflections on the rise and progress of the
American rebellion, published in Great Britain,
1780. "He eats little," says the author, "
drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and
is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his
object. It was this man, who by his superior
application, managed at once the factions in
congress at Philadelphia, and the factions of
New-England." In 1781, Mr. Adams retired from
congress; but it was to receive from his native
state, additional proofs of her high estimation
of his services, and of the confidence which she
reposed in his talents and integrity He had
already been an active member of the convention
that formed her constitution; and after it went
into effect, he was placed in the senate of the
state, and for several years presided over that
body. In 1789, he was elected lieutenant
governor, and held that office till 1794; when,
upon the death of
Hancock, he was chosen governor, and was
annually re-elected till 1797, when he retired
from public life. This retirement, however, he
did not long enjoy, as his death occurred on
October 2d, 1803, at the advanced age of 82.
From the foregoing sketches of Mr. Adams, it
will not be difficult for the reader to form a
tolerably correct opinion of his character and
disposition. In his person, he is said to have
been only of the middle size, but his
countenance indicated a noble genius within, and
a more than ordinary inflexibility of character
and purpose. Great sincerity and simplicity
marked his manners and deportment. In his
conversation, he was at once interesting and
instructive; and those who shared his friendship
had seldom any reason to doubt his affection and
constancy. His writings were voluminous, but
unfortunately, as they generally related to the
temporary politics of the day, most of them are
lost. Those which remain furnish abundant proof
of his superiority as a writer, of the soundness
of his political creed, and of the piety and
sincerity of his character. As an orator, he was
eminently fitted for the stormy times in which
he lived. His elocution was concise and
impressive, partaking more of the logical than
the figurative, and rather calculated to
enlighten the understanding, than to excite the
feelings. Yet no man could address himself more
powerfully to the passions, than he did, on
certain occasions. As a statesman, his views
were broad and enlightened; what his judgment
had once matured, he pursued with inflexible
firmness, and patriotic ardor. While others
desponded, he was full of hope; where others
hesitated, he was resolute; where others were
supine, he was eager for action. His
circumstances of indigence led him to habits of
simplicity and frugality; but beyond this, he
was natural1y averse to parade and ostentation.
"Mr. Adams was a Christian. His mind was early
imbued with piety, as well as cultivated by
science. He early approached the table of the
Lord Jesus, and the purity of his life witnessed
the sincerity of his profession. On the
Christian Sabbath, he constantly went to the
temple, and the morning and evening devotions in
his family proved, that his seasons of
retirement from the world. The last production
of his pen was in favor of Christian truth. He
died in the faith of the gospel." In his
opposition to British tyranny, no man was more
conscientious; he detested royalty, and despised
the ostentation and contemptible servility of
the royal agents; his patriotism was of a pure
and lofty character. For his country he labored
both by night and by day, with a zeal which was
scarcely interrupted, and with an energy that
knew no fatigue. Although enthusiastic, he was
still prudent. He would persuade, petition, and
remonstrate, where these would accomplish his
object; but when these failed, he was ready to
resist even unto blood, and would sooner have
sacrificed his life than yielded with dishonor.
"Had he lived in any country or epoch," says his
biographer, "when abuses of power were to be
resisted, he would have been one of the
reformers. He would hare suffered
excommunication, rather than have bowed to papal
infallibility, or paid tribute to St. Peter; he
would have gone to the stake, rather than submit
to the prelatic ordinances of Laud; he would
have mounted the scoffold, sooner than pay a
shilling of illegal ship money; he would have
fled to a desert, rather than endure the
profligate tyranny of a Stuart; he was
proscribed, and could sooner have been condemned
as a traitor, than assent to an illegal tax, if
it had been only a sixpenny stamp or an
insignificant duty on tea; and there appeared to
be no species of corruption by which this
inflexibility could have been destroyed." In the
delegation of political power, he may be said to
have been too cautious, since our constitutions,
as he would have modeled them, would not have
had sufficient inherent force for their own
preservation. One of his colleagues thus
honorably described him: "Samuel Adams would
have the state of Massachusetts govern the
union; the town of Boston govern Massachusetts;
and that he should govern the town of Boston,
and then the whole would not be intentionally
ill governed." With some apparent austerity
there was nothing of the spirit of gloom or
arrogance about hind In his demeanor, he
combined mildness with firmness, and dignity
with condescension. If sometimes an advocate for
measures which might be thought too strong, it
was, perhaps, because his comprehension extended
beyond ordinary minds, and he had more energy to
effect his purposes, than attaches to common
men. In addition to these qualities, he
manifested an uncommon indifference to pecuniary
considerations; he was poor while he lived, and
had not the death of an only son relieved his
latter day poverty, Samuel Adams,
notwithstanding his virtues, his patriotism, his
unwearied zeal, and his acknowledged usefulness,
while he lived, would have had to claim a burial
at the hand of charity, or at the public
expense.
Source: Rev. Charles A. Goodrich Lives of
the Signers to the Declaration of Independence.
New York: William Reed & Co., 1856. Pages 81-92.
_____________________________________________________________________________
Samuel Adams Quotes
Among the natural rights
of the colonists are these: First a right to
life, secondly to liberty, and thirdly to
property; together with the right to defend them
in the best manner they can.
Samuel Adams
He who is void of virtuous
attachments in private life is, or very soon
will be, void of all regard for his country.
There is seldom an instance of a man guilty of
betraying his country, who had not before lost
the feeling of moral obligations in his private
connections.
Samuel Adams
How strangely will the Tools
of a Tyrant pervert the plain Meaning of Words!
Samuel Adams
It does not require a
majority to prevail, but rather an irate,
tireless minority keen to set brush fires in
people's minds.
Samuel Adams
It does not take a majority
to prevail... but rather an irate, tireless
minority, keen on setting brushfires of freedom
in the minds of men.
Samuel Adams
Mankind are governed more by
their feelings than by reason.
Samuel Adams
Our contest is not only
whether we ourselves shall be free, but whether
there shall be left to mankind an asylum on
earth for civil and religious liberty.
Samuel Adams
The Constitution shall never
be construed... to prevent the people of the
United States who are peaceable citizens from
keeping their own arms.
Samuel Adams
The liberties of our country,
the freedom of our civil constitution, are worth
defending against all hazards: And it is our
duty to defend them against all attacks.
Samuel Adams
The natural liberty of man is
to be free from any superior power on Earth, and
not to be under the will or legislative
authority of man, but only to have the law of
nature for his rule.
Samuel Adams
We cannot make events. Our
business is wisely to improve them.
Samuel Adams
